Political parties are going through a phase that could make or mar. Some are marred already, due to the phenomenon of a few strong men gaining control and dominating what was originally designed to be a participatory process.There have always been strong men, but state institutions were able to resist them. Now, the institutions have been invaded.

When the first set of parties were licensed by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), in 1998/99, under the watch of the military, they were compelled to abide by the provisions in Sections 221-228 of the Constitution.

There were layers of authority, from Ward level to Councils and state chapters. At the top echelon, there were the National Working Committees (NWC), the Board of Trustees (BoT) and the National Executive Council (NEC), all playing respective parts in organising and managing parties.

But when the president and governors decided to name themselves leaders of their parties, with no constitutional backing, the story changed. Instead of parties exercising the final authority over their affairs, elected executives began to interfere and mismanage the rules.

In the case of the PDP, after the first set of party leaders – Alex Ekueme, Chief Solomon Lar and Chief Sunday Awoniyi – began to exit the scene, the party became considerably weakened. The president, more or less, assumed the role of a sole administrator and decided who became what in the party.

The intensity of control depended on the personality and character of the president. President Obasanjo had been a military head of state, and becoming a civilian president didn’t change much of him. Until he left in 2007, Obasanjo largely decided who was to be the national chairman of the party. He decided who was to be his successor and had interest in who became governorship candidates of the party.

President Yar’Adua and his successor, Goodluck Jonathan, were not classic cases of leaders who romanced power. Yar’Adua didn’t betray a propensity to dominate. Jonathan didn’t have the guts even if he wanted to. Former President Buhari did not care what happened to his political party so long as he got the ticket to run twice. He was not interested in building a political empire. Neither did he desire to be a godfather. He was just leader of APC for the mention.

Today, things have changed. President Tinubu is interested in every aspect of the political space. In his former party, the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), the party and himself were one and the same. When he became President, he didn’t waste time to assert his control of APC. There are fears he may have invested heavily in the opposition; the reason there is a rumble in the market.

Last week, the INEC lamented that the number of new parties scrambling to be registered ahead of 2027 had risen to 122. The previous week, it was 110. There is desperation in the political space because some of the old parties are infested with surrogates planted to destabilise them. To be relevant in the next election, registering new parties is the next alternative for politicians who need tickets that would be free of litigation.

The political space is rowdy and unsteady, even the ruling APC is not stable. What used to be constitutional checks designed to make parties accountable to members have been trampled by political merchants. Bigwigs in both PDP and APC are scampering for safe havens. The Akwa Ibom State Governor, Umo Eno, pleaded that he needed assurances for his second term ticket; the PDP is not safe anymore. The one in Delta, Sheriff Oborevwori claimed the need to align Delta to the centre.

Former National Chairman of APC, Abdullahi Ganduje, was told to go home. Ganduje had been too servile to see it coming. He went to the North-east to endorse President Tinubu for second term, leaving out the vice, Kashim Shettima. Ganduje could not have done that all by himself, but the message was poorly scripted. He had to go; after all, he had been place-holder at the behest of one man. President Tinubu handpicked Ganduje to hold the place after Abdulahi Adamu, who did not support him in the 2023 presidential primary of the party was no longer relevant.

Adamu supported former Senate President, Ahmad Lawan, who dared to challenge Tinubu. After he became President, it was clear Tinubu would do to APC the way he has micromanaged Lagos politics. Tinubu controls Lagos House of Assembly. He installs and uninstalls governors. He even has the capacity to forgive sin.

The replacement for the former chair, Adamu, was supposed to come from the North-central. Ganduje is from North-west. But that didn’t matter to the leader, as constitutional niceties can wait. Now that Ganduje is gone, the party is back to where it ought to be; replace leaders in line with the constitution of the party as well as reflect the federal character principle enshrined in the 1999 Constitution.

Another matter for the APC to deal with is the planned replacement of Kashim Shettima. The body language had been that Shettima is not well treated. He has not been found worthy of an opportunity to act as president while Tinubu took two weeks to rest in France: they call it work holiday. Whatever the sins of Shettima are, the party has to find ways to handle it. Dropping him from what was a joint ticket won’t be an easy decision. Let them manage the turbulence.

For the PDP, they had been in a mess even before 2023. The absence of quality leadership had turned the party into a caricature of its old self. Once those consummate founding fathers were gone, the party became a toy in the hands of feckless managers, particularly the set of juvenile governors who are more interested in how to secure their next ticket. Some want to be godfathers at all costs.

The travails of the party heightened in 2022, when it threw its presidential ticket open to all. That didn’t sit well with FCT Minister, Nyesom Wike, who lost out after Aminu Tambuwal quit the race to joined forces with former vice president Atiku Abubakar.

To punish the party, Wike has sold his share of PDP to Tinubu. His anti-party activities have thrown the PDP into disarray. He proclaimed he will work for Tinubu in 2027 but will remain in PDP. Wike’s stranglehold on the party is deep. Today, PDP has no substantive leadership. There is one acting chairman who struggles to express himself. He does not proffer solution; too vulnerable. He was nominated to that office by the Governor of Bauchi State, Bala Mohammed, and that’s where his allegiance is. There is a national Secretary, Samuel Anyawu, who is Wike’s ally. In between them, they have enough legal armament to sink the party.

The Labour Party (LP), for now, is not a safe platform for any serious candidate to seek office in the foreseeable future. It is enmeshed in a legal web that is traced to outside forces working to weaken its fortune. The party did so well in 2023, it came third in the presidential election, yielding over six million votes for Peter Obi. Despite the judgment of the Supreme Court, vesting authority in the party to decide how to manage its affairs, a handful of power mongers are holding on to the party, refusing to let go.

The Social Democratic Party (SDP), used to be a faceless platform, until it was made popular by its engaging and professionally sound 2023 presidential candidate, Adewole Adebayo. The party did not pose serious threat to power mongers, so, they left it in the flank as just another addition to the number of parties on the ballot paper.

But the moment former governor of Kaduna State, Nasir el- Rufai enlisted in the party, it was like carrying ant-infested wood into the house. The lizards came visiting and the house became a riot scene. The moment merchants of trouble saw that SDP could shelter high ranking opposition elements; they came to sow discord.

There are insinuations that former governor of Kano State, Rabiu Kwankwaso, could join the APC any moment from now. Their party, the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), had its share of internal crisis. The APC and PDP have managed to restrict Kwankwaso to his Kano base, where he wins elections with ease. If he joins APC, that will be a boost but they have to manage his ego as well. It’s him they need, not the party.

The African Democratic Congress (ADC), did not make headlines until last week. It was among the most unattractive and controversial platforms, but its fortunes may have changed with the big tent coalition it has become. Bigwig politicians who were displaced in the PDP and APC have found the ADC a good place to lounge.

The unveiling sent shock waves as David Mark, Rauf Aregbesola were announced as chairman and Secretary. Ralp Nwosu, who is the founder has yielded place to accommodate the coalition. As expected, the bigger the head, the more troubles as discontent have risen within its ranks.

If INEC manages to add a few parties to the 18 it fielded in the 2023 elections, there should be enough platforms for mischief-makers and serious politicians to play. The trouble with too many parties is that majority of them constitute nuisance during elections. They’re weightless and do not bother with campaigns. When the ballot paper is rowdy, it becomes difficult to manage. Perhaps, that’s the reason the electoral system should consider going paperless.

The Constitution allows persons to form associations to express ideas and desires. It is up to INEC, as the regulator to be smart in managing the space. The reason many are opting for parties of their own is because INEC is perceived to be weak, complicit and unable to resolve minor crisis before they are magnified.

There is no reason INEC cannot call trouble makers to order even after the judiciary has spoken. This INEC is not independent!