With the growing trend of politicians defecting to other political parties after being elected on another platform, a lawyer, politician and a former aspirant on the platform of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) for Akure South/Akure North Federal Constituency of Ondo State, Balarabe Akinwumi, in this interview with ADEWALE MOMOH, says that the lack of ideological differences among parties fosters opportunism rather than principled governance.
What’s your view on the current trend where politicians get elected on the platform of a political party and then defect to another?
It’s deeply unfortunate. What we have in Nigeria today isn’t ideological politics; it’s more like a scramble for platforms. If you listen to different parties, it’s almost the same – “we’ll build roads, schools, infrastructure, and improve the economy…” There’s very little real engagement in ideological principles. And that’s a problem. We must understand that to build a nation, we must first build its people. Infrastructure without investing in human development is meaningless.
Our constitution is clear. If you are elected under a party and you defect without any serious internal crisis in your party, you are supposed to lose your seat. The truth is, when you win an election on a party’s platform, that mandate belongs to the party. Taking that mandate to another platform breaks trust. It weakens democracy. And because there are no consequences, it continues. We need stronger institutions. The political class must have the courage to respect the law, not just when it suits them. Until we enforce consequences for political transgressions, impunity will continue.
There’s also the issue of the ruling party infiltrating opposition parties. What’s the solution?
That’s always a tactic. Governments are trying to weaken opposition from the inside. And sadly, many opposition parties today have been infiltrated or compromised. The New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) is a shadow of itself. The Labour Party (LP), at this point, feels like it’s missing in action. The Social Democratic Party (SDP) is struggling.
Now, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and African Democratic Congress (ADC) still have some standing, but they must prepare for these kinds of attacks. The leaderships of these parties are highly experienced and very senior politicians. They should know the game. They must stay united, stay vigilant, and prioritise national interest above selfish ambitions. This is not the time to let ego or personal ambition get in the way. This is a moment of reckoning. The only way the opposition can remain relevant is by standing firm, staying united, and committing to a cause greater than themselves.
Some governors have defected from opposition parties to the All Progressives Congress (APC). What do you think is responsible for this?
It may be associated with fear and self-preservation. As Adams Oshiomhole once said, “Once you join APC, your sins are forgiven.” So, maybe they are trying to protect themselves. But governance should not be a tool of oppression. And the Office of the President should not be used as an instrument of fear. The president himself has a history of being oppressed. He understands what it means to be on the receiving end of injustice. I don’t believe he should allow the same thing to happen under his watch.
Still, the power lies with the people. In 2023, we saw governors in the so-called “G5” lose their senatorial bids. They couldn’t even deliver their own elections. That shows you where real power resides. You can’t tell me a governor, beyond his appointees and loyalists, controls the people. People now understand the power they wield. These governors are just trying to find a safe landing.
You’re running for the House of Representatives. If elected, what would you do differently?
If given the opportunity to serve, I’ll offer a new, transparent, and impactful model of representation. I want to be a voice for the voiceless and to protect those the system forgets. Our constituency has suffered for too long. In the National Assembly, there are disparities in how constituency funds are allocated. The difference often lies in the representative’s negotiating power, influence, and commitment to their people.
So, I won’t just sit in Abuja. I will engage, negotiate, advocate, and ensure that we get what is due to us. But more importantly, I want to empower young people. Through the Balarabe Abiodun Akinwumi Foundation, we have already committed to ensuring that no willing young person is denied access to education or skill acquisition. If God gives us capacity, that is our promise.
As a legislator, I’ll want to raise our education budget. Nigeria’s federal education budget is a dismal six per cent, while UNESCO recommends 15–20 per cent. I’ll push for an increase. Implementation is our biggest problem. Government gives direction, but the real work happens in execution. So, my oversight functions will be sharp. I’ll push for the establishment of tech hubs across Nigeria, places where young people can develop, grow and translate technological competencies. Look at countries like Japan and South Korea. They have no natural resources but they invested in their people. Education and innovation made them global leaders. Meanwhile, Nigeria is still crawling despite our resources. I want to change that by investing in human capacity development and empowering youth, women, and the vulnerable.
In the last elections, people voted heavily along ethnic lines. What’s the implication of this for the nation’s politics?
The implications are dire. Hunger doesn’t care about tribes. Insecurity doesn’t know your senatorial district. Poverty doesn’t recognise your ethnicity. We must elevate competence over sentiment. Look, when you go to a hospital, do you ask if the doctor is Yoruba, Igbo, or Hausa? No. You just want someone competent. That’s how it should be with governance.
In 2023, the South East and South South largely voted for the Labour Party. The South West voted APC. Kano went to NNPP. The North was split. It was clearly along ethnic lines. We must vote based on character, vision, and competence, not tribe.
Would you support a single term of five, six, or seven years for governors and the president?
No, I wouldn’t. I don’t support a single term at all. The better approach is to strengthen our institutions, not reduce accountability. If you give people a single term, they have no motivation to perform; they’re not coming back anyway.
Look at other developed countries and tell me which one of them operates single-term presidencies. They allow voters to hold leaders accountable by re-electing or rejecting them. With a single term, you risk giving someone four or five years to do as they please, without consequences.
Let people have the chance to choose again after four years. That’s democracy.
What’s your view on the increasing role of money in Nigerian elections?
It’s deeply worrying. Money now plays a central role, and I am concerned that voters are encouraged to sell their future for a few naira. People say, “let me collect something now. After all, it’s my turn to benefit.” But then they may suffer for another four years. That’s why I keep calling for stronger institutions. If anti-corruption agencies work as they should, both the giver and taker of bribes would be punished. But now, no one fears the law. The election is clearly manipulated; they say, “go to court.” And when you do, nothing happens.
If we don’t reform our electoral process, we are headed for anarchy. The social contract is breaking down. We need electoral reform, and we must implement the Uwais Panel recommendations.
Do you support the creation of state police?
Absolutely! State police is long overdue. Amotekun proved that locals know their terrain better. If you deploy officers from Adamawa to Ondo, it may take them months to learn the environment. Meanwhile, crimes are being committed every day. State police will ensure that locals protect their own communities. It exists in many parts of the world. It won’t remove the powers of the federal police; it will complement it. But it must come with clear funding frameworks and accountability. We need a legal structure that allows it to thrive.
Do you think this growing coalition against the president will work out?
I wouldn’t describe it as a coalition against the president. Rather, I believe it’s a coalition for Nigerians, a movement forming to represent the interest of all, not just a few. This isn’t about removing one man from power. It’s about creating a platform where no single individual or group holds control. Many of the existing parties have already been hijacked by entrenched interests. For instance, the NNPP has been infiltrated, as have the Labour Party and the SDP. What is needed is a truly inclusive political platform, one that isn’t beholden to a godfather or faction – a genuine coalition of Nigerians. That, in my view, is what this movement is striving to become.
Lastly, what is your take on restructuring?
Restructuring is absolutely the way forward for Nigeria. We need to restructure our political and economic framework in a way that empowers the states. For example, here in Ondo State, we have untapped resources – bitumen (the second largest deposit in the world), gold, silica, and limestone, all in abundance just lying dormant.
I practise corporate and commercial law, particularly in sectors like oil and gas, solid minerals, infrastructure, and banking. I’ve seen firsthand how natural resources can either widen inequality or drive prosperity depending entirely on the people in charge and how they lead.
Currently, natural resources are under the Exclusive Legislative List, meaning only the Federal Government has control. This must change. These resources should be moved to the Concurrent List, allowing both federal and state governments to participate. That way, states can issue licences, attract investment, and generate their own revenues.
And beyond resource control, restructuring should also include serious consideration of our system of government. The presidential system we operate is not only costly but also inefficient. Perhaps it’s time to consider a parliamentary system, which is more affordable and adaptable. Look at countries like the United Kingdom. In a parliamentary system, if a leader underperforms, his party can remove him through a vote of no confidence; no need to wait four years. Governance becomes more accountable and leadership more responsive. If we truly want to unlock Nigeria’s potential, restructuring isn’t optional; it is essential.