Thereafter speculations became rife that Nigeria was heading for a one-party state. There were celebrations in the NPN camp. I remember visiting the house of Alhaji Umaru Dikko, the then powerful Minister of Transport, in Ikoyi Lagos, along with my friend, Alhaji Usman Muktar of the NTA, Alhaji Dikko made a boast then, that very soon, “the NPN will swallow all other parties.”

Then came the morning of December 31, 1983, the announcement by Brigadier Sani Abacha (September 20, 1943 – June 8, 1998) on that day terminated the attempt of having a single party in the country. The military took over and Major General Muhammadu Buhari (December 17 , 1942 – July 13, 2025), never had a political programme until he too was overthrown by Major General Ibrahim Babangida (84) in August 1985.

Following the submission of the political bureau made up of S.J. Cookey (Chairman), E. O. Awa, A. D. Yahaya, Haroun Adamu, Ibrahim Halilu, Pascal Bafyau, Oye Oyediran, Tunde Adeniran, Sam E. Oyovbaire, Bala Takaya, O.E. Uya, Sani Zaharadden, Mrs Hilda Adefarasin, Mrs R. Abdullahi, Ola Balogun, Edin Madunagu, Abdullahi Augie (Executive Secretary), the then Head of State, General Babangida on October 7, 1989, decreed two political parties for the country. They were the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the National Republican Convention (NRC).

In an address to the nation, Babangida announced that the AFRC has accepted the principles of grassroots democratic two-party system. He declared then: “It is our belief that the system shall: (a) provide a grassroots basis for the emergence of political parties (b) establish a grassroots or mass platform for the emergence of new leadership (c) give equal rights and opportunities to all Nigerians to participate in the political process irrespective of their wealth, religion, geo-political backgrounds and professional endeavours (d) de-empasise the role of money in politics (e) reduce, to a minimum level, the element of violence in our electoral process (f) preclude the emergence political alliances along the same lines as in the First Republics and, therefore, give Nigerians a new political structure within which to operate. 

(g) ensure the emergence of a new, more dedicated and more genuine leadership cadre, which will not be a mere proxy for old political warlords (h) chart a new pattern of political recruitment participation which will enhance Nigeria’s stability (i) establish strong instructional structures which not only sustain future governments, but also be strong enough to stand the test of time and (j) establish a political system that will be operated according to the spirit and letter of the Constitution of the Federal Republic.” 

In his speech to the nation, Babangida further declared “the two political parties shall be funded by the Federal Military Government. No financial contributions by any individuals or groups to part treasury shall be permitted at this stage. 

NEC shall clearly specify the mechanism for fund raising by political parties at a later stage in the transition programme. Our decision to build political offices can now settle down to these buildings and conduct their respective business. They will be spared the ‘hostage politics’ of the past whereby people loaned out premises to a political party and used that fact to access, influence and patronage. 

All accounts of each party shall be audited before and after the first elections by external auditors appointed by NEC—- at local, state and national levels of the two political parties. The AFRC strongly believes that our financial contribution to the parties at this stage is a vital investment in the future political stability of our nation. 

Party conventions shall be held after the registration exercise. Such conventions shall be held at the ward, local government, state, and finally, at the national levels in that order. The conventions shall (a) elect officers of the party at relevant levels (b) discuss and suggest to NEC for onward transmission to the AFRC, any amendments to the draft constitutions and manifestos. (c) establish modalities for fund-raising within the NEC guidelines on fiscal contributions to political parties and (d) establish strategies for campaigns, within NEC guidelines”.

In his address at the Armed Forces dinner of 1990, Babangida said “our political target is to ensure that we disengage in 1992, by which time we would have, at least, established the ground work for a successful take-off of a new political order that will provide justice, equality and social upliftment for the generality of Nigerians. The political system we are trying to create is one that has been worked in Nigeria by Nigerians for Nigerians”. 

The same Babangida terminated the Presidential election of June 12, 1993. The annulment put an end to the experiment of having a two-party system in Nigeria. The setting up of the Interim National Government in 1993 finally nailed the coffin on the two-party structure.

If you invite ten Nigerians to a social event, the possibility is that, ten of them will wear ten different kinds of dresses. That sums up who really, we are. We Nigerians are different people with different backgrounds, interests and contradictions.  And that extends to our political system.

General Abacha seized power in a palace coup in November 1993. Under Abacha, the main decision-making organ was exclusively the military Provisional Ruling Council (PRC), which ruled by decree. The 32-member Federal Executive Council composed of military officers and civilians. Pending the promulgation of the Constitution written by the Constitution Conference in 1995 and subsequently approved by the Head of State, the government observed some provisions of the 1979 and 1989 constitutions. The decree suspending the 1979 Constitution was not repealed and the 1989 Constitution was not implemented. In 1995, General Abacha announced a transition timetable designed to return the country to democratically elected civilian government by October 1, 1998. 

The government continued to enforce its arbitrary authority through the Federal Security System (the military, the state security service, and the national police) and through decrees blocking action by the opposition in the courts. All branches of the security forces committed serious human rights abuses. 

Throughout his tenure, General Abacha’s government relied regularly on arbitrary detention and harassment to silence its many critics. The winner of the annulled 1993 presidential election, Chief Moshood Kashimawo Abiola, remained in detention on charges of treason, and unidentified persons murdered Abiola’s senior wife, Kudirat, under mysterious circumstances. 

In September 1996, 39 people were reported dead in the Northern cities of Kaduna and Zaria after police attempted to break up demonstrations protesting the detention of Muslim Cleric and religious leader, Sheikh Ibrahim Al-Zakzaky. 

Joseph Kporok, a 30-year-old Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) activist, was arrested after a dispute with his mother-in-law over land. Once in custody at the Rivers State internal security task force headquarters, Kporok was interrogated about his MOSOP affiliation and beaten. He was then transferred to state police headquarters in Port Harcourt where he died. 26-year-old Kenneth Nwokoye was beaten to death by uniformed officers who arrested him after raiding and searching his house. 
To be continued tomorrow.

Teniola, a former director at the presidency, wrote from Lagos.