After missing two FIFA World Cups in a row, the turmoil in Nigeria’s football house shows no signs of abating. At the root of the country’s dwindling football fortunes are unending sleaze, a sit-tight syndrome, and glaringly poor football governance by administrators who appear to be prospering at the expense of the game. Assistant Sports Editor, GOWON AKPODONOR, reports that concerns are rife that, without restructuring the current statutes, evolving the electoral framework to reflect modern football realities, and opening the system to fresh ideas, matters may remain comatose for a long time.

Sir Ephraim Chukwuemeka took office as the Abia State Football Association Chairman in 1991, the same year the state was created from the old Imo State.

Before he died at 82, on January 2, 2023, due to a brief illness in Isikwuato, Abia State, the former teacher was one of the two coaches who led the first-ever national team sport to the Olympic Games in 1992.

During his sojourn in the country’s football circle, Chukwuemeka held various positions at the Nigerian Football Federation (NFF), including serving as chairman of the Anambra FA Norminalisation Committee, when the association was engulfed in a leadership crisis.

He was widely acknowledged as the longest-serving FA Chairman in Nigeria, having held the position for over 31 years until his passing in early 2023.

The former coach of Grasshoppers Handball Club of Owerri, who was also a FIFA-graded referee, was poised for a new term in office when he died on the job, to the relief of many stakeholders in Abia State football, who had hitherto dared not dream of becoming the state FA chairman.

Chukwuemeka’s curious reign and grip on Abia FA for 31 years, in part, showcases the litany of absurdities that have not only kept Nigerian football in the cradle but have effectively thwarted attempts to introduce fresh blood, fresh thinking, and fresh ideas into a system that is hampered by perennial necrosis, especially at the grassroots.

The evident lack of virility and viability among most state football associations, the stark absence of initiative, and the almost non-existence of grassroots football development, among others, lend credence to the claim that grassroots football is atrophied.

While the game continued wilting away at the flanks due to inept management, the semblance of virility that characterised football at the national level, however, began giving way in the early 1990s.

Before 1992, elections into the then-Nigeria Football Association (NFA) were guided by Decree 101, which gave the sports ministry the power to appoint the secretary-general and influence board members.

But things took on a new dimension in 1992, when the NFA elections were marked by intense conflict, occasioned by government control and FIFA regulations, which ultimately led to threats of a FIFA ban and arguments over the electoral process’s legality.

Decree 101 was deemed “obnoxious” by FIFA and was found to be contrary to its statutes, which require independent football administration. To avoid the looming FIFA ban, the government approved the repeal of the offending Decree in 2005, thereby changing the national association’s name from the NFA to the Nigeria Football Federation (NFF) and increasing board autonomy.

The process was stable for a while, with the board elections accommodating various stakeholders, including the Players Union and the Sports Writers Association of Nigeria (SWAN).

In the early days, the Players Union, SWAN and other stakeholders played active roles in NFF congresses and elections. However, at the NFF Congress in Makurdi, Benue State, the electoral process was changed to accommodate only the 37 FA chairmen. Other stakeholders, including the Players’ Union and SWAN, were eliminated from the congress.

Since then, the stakeholders, especially the Players’ Union, who feel sidelined in the administration of the game, have been up in arms. Their grievance is that holding the board elections before state and local council polls has made it impossible to inject fresh blood into the NFF Congress.

The aggrieved stakeholders claim that the system now ensures that members of the NFF Congress remain unchanged, while the board remains the exclusive preserve of a few. They argued that the limited knowledge and lack of initiative by the limited few explain the dwindling fortunes of football in the country.

Sterling examples from climes where football thrives
IN climes where citizens are subject to the law of equity and fairness, elections to the board of football associations do not normally lead to division among stakeholders. This is because rules governing football elections are not easily manipulated to suit the whims and caprices of vested interests.

In England, for instance, the voting process for key positions in the Football Association (FA) involves a council rather than a set number of independent associations.

The FA Council, comprising 103 members, is the main body responsible for voting and governance. This voting council includes representatives from English FAs (local associations responsible for grassroots football), Professional Leagues (The Premier League and the English Football League (EFL), and Women’s Football (representatives from the Super League and Championship).

Other stakeholders with voting rights in the English FA Council election are the referees, managers, and the National League System.

The voting bloc used to be 92, but following reforms in 2017, the council was expanded to improve diversity, adding 11 new members to the existing structure, bringing the total number of voters in the FA Council election to 103.

In Germany, a total of 630 members elect the country’s football executives. The number was scaled down from 736 in 2021 due to reforms in seat distribution.

On the African continent, the South African Football Association (SAFA) voting delegates are structured through its internal regions and provincial structures in accordance with the 54 member associations affiliated with the Confederation of African Football (CAF).

The SAFA election uses a “bottom-up” approach, with voting delegates representing different levels of football administration, including Local Football Associations (LFAs).

These are the grassroots, lowest administrative structures (where clubs elect the LFA Executive Committee), Regional Committees (properly constituted LFAs form the electorate for the SAFA Regions, which send delegates to the Regional Congress to vote), and National Level (where SAFA National Executive is elected by delegates from SAFA Regions and other recognised affiliates.

In Nigeria, however, the system is radically different. Rather than the bottom-up arrangement where elections to the Nigeria Football Federation (NFF) board begin with the local councils, the NFF Congress first elects the board members, who in turn move to the states to conduct elections for the states’ football associations.

This arrangement, which began with the Sani Lulu-led board in 2006, has been the main cause of the crisis in the country’s football system, with aggrieved stakeholders, who feel that the door into the NFF board has been permanently shut against them, perpetually seeking redress in the law courts.

Catalogue of sit-tight football managers
APART from Chukwuemeka, whose death let fresh air into Abia football house, the Ogun State FA Chairman, Ganiyu Majekodunmi, and Niger State FA Chairman, Ahmed Yusuf, are classic examples of managers who have grabbed their states’ FA by the jugular.

Majekodunmi, who was first elected as Ogun FA chairman in 2011, has held the position for 16 years now and is set for re-election to another term in a system that has shut out stakeholders such as former national team captain Segun Odegbami.

Ahmed Yusuf, on the other hand, was first elected as the chairman of the Niger State Football Association in 2002. In the last 22 years, he has held the position, making him one of the longest-serving members of the NFF Congress.

These, along with some other FA chairmen who have been members of the NFF Congress for over 20 years, are set for re-election to new terms in office.

Except for former Akwa Ibom State FA Chairman, Effiong Johnson, who was removed from the Congress for “stepping out of the line” in 2016, the Congress has not changed much for over 15 years.

The current FA board has fixed its electoral congress for Lafia, Nasarawa State, on November 26, but some stakeholders have risen against the polls, saying that no such election would be allowed to hold unless the NFF statute is amended to allow for a “more democratic election.”

The stakeholders regret that the recent extraordinary meeting of the NFF held in Bayelsa State did not address the clamour for an open system, adding that there are signs that the congress has already perfected plans to return the Ibrahim Gusau-led NFF board to office wholesale.

They point at the vote of confidence passed on the Gusau-led board, even when the NFF failed to qualify the country for the 2026 World Cup from a group comprising Lesotho, Rwanda, Benin Republic, Zimbabwe and South Africa.

‘Why many would lose an arm to serve in NFF’
AS millions of football lovers continue to express worry over the current NFF board and members of congress’ desire to retain their positions even after showing that they lack the capacity to develop the country’s game to the expected level, the answer lies in the humongous sums of money that FIFA and the Confederation of African Football (CAF) give to their member federations yearly to develop the game, and the legion of opportunities that being in the federation holds.

For instance, FIFA gives each member federation $250,000 yearly for projects of their choice, especially for youth development programmes, although FIFA does not restrict it to that alone.

According to www.playthegame.org, this yearly funding is the catalyst that perpetuates problems in many federations.

In its paper, “FIFA funding a curse to African federations,” the study states that this money has oiled campaign machines for federation chiefs to retain their plum positions or, better (worse?) still, venture into parliamentary politics.

“Government officials, blocked by strict FIFA rules that government interference in the running of soccer in member states is punished by sanctions, can only watch helplessly as federation chiefs wallow voluptuously in FIFA largesse. The FIFA order against government interference has served federation officials well. They are only answerable to FIFA. Thus, a government minister in charge of sports cannot order investigations into their operations, or they risk being suspended from international competitions.

“However, FIFA Head of Media Department Mr Andreas Herren says the aim is essentially to make sure that some sort of consistency can be achieved in the administration of the game in every country. It is to curb indiscriminate replacement of federation officials by overbearing ministers who envy their positions of influence and power.”

Apart from the yearly allocations to each member federation, in 2024 alone, these federations received $8 million each from FIFA to support football development in their countries.

This fund was part of FIFA’s four-year cycle of the Forward Development Programme (FDP) to support football development within each member association.

Recently, FIFA President Gianni Infantino revealed that the body has invested over $1.06 billion in African football development since 2016 through the FIFA Forward programme.

These funds were meant to support over 200 infrastructure projects, including stadium upgrades, pitches, and training centres.

Beginning in 2024, FIFA also said it would commit an additional $1.08 billion to the 54 African Member Associations over the following four years.

Specifically, Nigeria received $1.2 million each for two mini-stadium projects in Kebbi and Delta States.

In 2018, Nigeria received at least $10.5 million for participating in the World Cup hosted by Russia. This included $9 million in base prize money and a $1.5 million payment to cover preparation and logistical costs.

Apart from the funds from FIFA and CAF, the Federal Government approved approximately N51.4 billion in direct funding and special intervention grants from 2023 to 2026 for the Nigeria Football Federation (NFF). This figure includes both yearly budget proposals and specific one-time presidential releases intended to settle debts and support international tournaments.

The NFF’s yearly budget proposals typically cover recurrent and capital expenditures for national teams and league activities. The federation was allocated N2.31 billion in the 2026 budget from the broader N210 billion sports sector budget managed by the National Sports Commission. The 2025 allocation was N17.6 billion, which the NFF said covered the 2026 World Cup and 2025 AFCON qualification campaigns.

While the NFF got N14.5 billion in 2024, the 2023 allocation was not explicitly detailed as special funds were released for the FIFA Women’s World Cup campaign that year.

The Federal Government last year approved a N17 billion debt clearance fund to settle outstanding salaries and winning bonuses for all national teams (Super Eagles, Super Falcons, and so on) and another N3 billion for the Super Eagles’ 2025 AFCON campaign in Morocco.

There was also a N3 billion World Cup Committee fund earmarked for a presidential committee to ensure that Nigeria qualified for the 2026 FIFA World Cup.

Apart from financial gains, being a member of the NFF Congress opens doors to opportunities for the members to join Nigeria’s growing band of CAF and FIFA officers, including game management membership during competitions such as the Africa Cup of Nations and the World Cup. This also comes with its own financial benefits, apart from the opportunities to travel around the world and associate with the world’s leading football managers.

Strident calls for change in status quo
CHIEF among those calling for the change of the statute to accommodate the players’ interests is former national team captain, Odegbami, who has threatened to head to the civil court to stop the election, and chairman of the board of trustees of the Professional Footballer Association of Nigeria (PFAN), Harrison Jalla, who has already started a legal battle to stop it.

Odegbami argues that the NFF elective congress must not hold unless sweeping reforms are implemented. He raised serious concerns about the federation’s current statutes and electoral framework, warning that proceeding under the existing system would be fundamentally flawed.

According to Odegbami, the present structure disproportionately empowers State FA chairmen while limiting the influence of other critical stakeholders in Nigerian football.

He argued that such an imbalance undermines fairness, transparency, and true representation within the decision-making process.

“This cannot continue,” Odegbami emphasised, making it clear that he is prepared to take legal action if necessary.

Odegbami insisted that unless there is a thorough review and restructuring of the statutes, he will challenge the legitimacy of Congress in court. His stance adds another layer of tension to an already heated debate surrounding football governance in Nigeria.

With calls for reform growing louder from various quarters, Odegbami’s intervention highlights deep-rooted dissatisfaction with the current structure of the system. Supporters of reform have argued that the current framework needs to evolve to reflect modern football realities.

If Odegbami follows through on his threat, the situation could escalate into a full-blown legal showdown with far-reaching implications for the NFF and its leadership.

In Nigerian football, the fight for control is no longer just on the pitch; it is in the boardroom, and possibly, the courtroom.

On his part, Jalla accused the 37 FA chairmen of plotting to preserve a system he claimed is permanently skewed in their favour, adding that the exclusion of other NFF units and the private sector is wrong.

Jalla claims that a group of “charlatans” have disregarded these directives for too long, and it is time to put a final stop to it.

In a statement, Jalla insists that the 2026 NFF electoral process is currently sub judice and cannot proceed until comprehensive reforms are implemented. These reforms, he argues, must be carried out by a congress comprising equal representatives from all five NFF federating units. The core demand is for these reforms to guarantee equitable representation across the NFF Board, Congress, and all sub-committees.

Jalla’s legal battle is already before the Federal High Court 4, Abuja.

“We are calling for an emergency congress made up of equal representation from all five NFF federating units to overhaul the federation’s statutes,” Jalla said.

A former goalkeeper of Piedmont FC of Ologbo, Edo State, Sunny Edoreh, feels the present NFF electoral process, which favours only the 37 FA chairmen, is a reason for the decline in effective grassroots football in the country.

“There is no more grassroots football and scouting in the country like it used to be in our youthful days. This is because there is no more competition on who will represent the grassroots teams in the NFF election. And it is making it difficult for talented, unknown players to get noticed by clubs or associations,” Edoreh told The Guardian.

Edoreh added that the current NFF electoral system is hampering structured, fair selection processes in the county’s lower-level football administrations.

Veteran journalist and broadcaster Osasu Obayiuwana also questions why the decisions of 36 state football association chairmen and the FCT should determine the leadership of Nigerian football, arguing that it effectively places the fate of the sport in the hands of a small group of individuals.

“The Nigerian football community is wider than those 36 people,” he noted. “Why should they have the right to hold our football to ransom in the manner they are holding it?”

He alleged that the last NFF election, which produced Ibrahim Musa Gusau as president, was marred by large-scale financial inducement of delegates.

Speaking recently on Eagle7FM, Obayiuwana described the Benin congress that ushered in Gusau as a “money bazaar,” where delegates were allegedly given thousands of dollars to vote for candidates.

“These are open secrets, and it is known within the community,” he said. “One candidate, after realising that delegates collected his money but didn’t vote for him, even went as far as surrounding their hotel with security operatives to ensure that they didn’t escape with the cash so that he could get his money back.”

Obayiuwana stressed that the flawed electoral system is at the heart of Nigeria’s football problems.

Also among those stakeholders, who are itching for a change in the country’s football leadership, is former Super Eagles Captain, John Obi Mikel, who believes that rather than seeking another term in office, the Ibrahim Gusau-led board should resign en masse to pave the way for fresh ideas in the administration of the game.

Speaking to talksport.com, Mikel also called on the Federal Government to probe the country’s failure to win a World Cup qualifying group comprising Rwanda, Lesotho, Zimbabwe, Benin Republic and South Africa with a view to ensuring that “such disasters do not occur again.”

He emphasised: “We have one of the best teams in Africa, and we’re not going to be at the World Cup. It’s a disaster. It’s a disaster. The people running the FA, the president (Ibrahim Musa Gusau), and the organisation’s people have to resign because African football is growing so much, and we are being left behind. Nigeria’s been left behind.

Apart from the entire NFF board leaving office, another former Super Eagles star, Etim Esin, wants the dissolution of the federation’s technical committee for failing to provide a long-term plan and for maintaining the same leadership after two consecutive failed campaigns.

Esin also said that the country’s football needs massive reforms to help shape its fortunes.

“We must effect changes to make sure we qualify for the next World Cup.  The technical department, too. What are they doing? Eguavoen (Austin) and co have been the head of the technical department. For two consecutive World Cups, we didn’t qualify, yet you people are still there.”

“We have people like Michael Emenalo who have proven that they are capable, and the experience of someone like Mikel (Obi) will help our fortunes.”