‘Ruling APC using courts to fuel internal crisis in opposition parties’

Chief Bode George

Former Deputy National Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Olabode George, in an interview with journalists, discussed the party’s current challenges while assuring that the PDP will recover ahead of the 2027 elections. SEYE OLUMIDE was there.

It appears the PDP may not present candidates for the 2027 elections, considering the lingering factional crisis in the party?

There are no factions in the PDP, but for a few selfish and ambitious people. Everybody is on the same page at the party. Those people who believed that I want to be this, I want to be that, at the expense of millions who are members of this party, are the real cause of our problems.
The concept of operation that was established by the founding fathers of our party is that they divided Nigeria into six geopolitical zones, though not in our constitution, and came up with six top positions in line.
President, Vice President, Senate President, Speaker, Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF) and national chairman of the party. If the President goes to the North, the vice president position comes to the South, and if the Senate President goes to the North, the Speaker comes to the South and just like that. This was made to give a sense of belonging to all six geopolitical zones to have equal representation.
But some people said no. How can the North produce the president and the national chairman at the same time, which was what former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar, and Senator Iyorchia Ayu did, which created a problem in 2023?
The incumbent Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike, is doing the same thing but in a different approach by placing one leg in the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and the other in the PDP to cause chaos, but he has been expelled at the last national convention we held in Ibadan, Oyo State.
Atiku and co. have also defected to the African Democratic Congress (ADC), so where is the problem? But let’s wait and see what will happen to them in ADC, where Atiku, former governor of Anambra State, Peter Obi, erstwhile governor of Rivers State, Rotimi Amaechi, and the rest are desperate for the presidential ticket of the party.

But for now, INEC has recognised the caretaker committee of Wike and Senator Samuel Anyanwu’s faction of the PDP following the verdict of the Federal High Court of Ibadan, which nullified your convention of November 15, 2025.

I believe the INEC chairman missed it by inviting Abdulrahman Mohammed-led national caretaker working committee instead of our elected National Chairman, Taminu Turaki. I reacted sharply against him across all the media spaces in Nigeria.
I want to disabuse Nigerians’ minds about the stories that these people, led by Wike, are still members of the PDP; no, they have been expelled at the national convention. It is illegal for INEC to recognise them and not even to talk of inviting them to a stakeholders’ meeting.
What INEC did was equal to dabbling in our internal matter, which the apex court had once ruled was not proper. How do I reckon with the judgment of a High Court judge when we saw how some judges of the courts marched to Wike’s office in Abuja to solicit for assistance?
I am surprised at some of the kinds of judges we have in this country. High Court judges who will get themselves together and march to see a minister to say, ‘We have no house, we have no car, and others’.
Immediately, I reacted to INEC. The commission’s publicity secretary came out and said, ‘No, we sent letters to PDP’, but how did such a letter get to Anyanwu? He didn’t answer that.

Are you not worried about the reasons the majority of the former PDP Governors gave for moving to the APC, that the party is in crisis, and who will sign their nomination forms?

That was how it all started for the first time in this country in the 60s, a government in power trying to force people to align with it at all costs. This is exactly how it started until the Western Region riot erupted, but this time, it may spread across the country if the government in power is not careful.
Any governor can defect, but let the wishes of the majority prevail. Why is the ruling APC still shivering while they claim to control the majority of the governors? Why would anyone want to kill or destroy the PDP? What is in the PDP that is scaring President Bola Tinubu?

Why would you say the ruling party is the one orchestrating PDP’s crisis?
Except you want to pretend not to know. The problems opposition parties are facing today are the handiwork of the APC. The courts have also been used to fuel internal matters of political parties. The Supreme Court has ruled over this issue, and I still wonder why lower courts continue to give conflicting judgments on internal matters of political parties if there are no other forces behind it.
In most cases it is the party members that always take their matters to the court for hearing…
The PDP held a convention, and some people were expelled. So, what is the business of a lower court now coming up to void the convention? Did INEC not monitor the convention? Did delegates across the country not participate? Did members vote, and were the results counted openly? Nobody expressed any grievances with the conduct and outcome of the convention so why will INEC now turn back to illegally recognise an unknown national caretaker committee?
I am ready for a debate with the INEC chairman because those people he held a meeting with are no longer members of our party.

What do you think of Nigeria’s current security situation?

The security situation has gone beyond control. There is widespread fear across the country due to terrorism, banditry, kidnappings and other violent crimes. The situation reflects despair and growing anger among Nigerians. The government must rise to the occasion and confront the challenge decisively.

What should the government do about the situation?

The protection of lives and property is the government’s primary duty, but I doubt this government is doing enough. Nigerians are being slaughtered by criminals on a daily basis, and little seems to be happening. The authorities must act urgently and seriously rather than politicising the issue. The situation is seriously affecting economic growth and investor confidence in Nigeria.

What is the ultimate solution, as many are suggesting state police?

I strongly support the introduction of state police. Local policing by people familiar with their communities would be more effective in handling insurgency and crime than relying solely on the centralised Nigeria Police Force.
I believe in strengthening community policing — security units raised from within local communities who understand their environment and the people. Locals can more effectively identify strangers and suspicious activities than outsiders.

Do you think the federal government has responded well?

No. The current national efforts are insufficient. I suggest deploying modern technology, such as surveillance cameras and drones, to monitor and respond to threats more effectively. Although the President has a tough job, more proactive measures are required.
I have been very critical of the security forces’ performance. I scored their efforts low because they have failed to guarantee the safety of citizens.
The most serious setback to our security architecture is the centralised system. Too much power is concentrated in Abuja, and decentralisation through restructuring and state policing would allow for more effective local security management.

You were once an intelligence officer in the Nigerian Navy. How comfortable are you with the present intelligence gathering by security agencies?

The current intelligence gathering is poor. How else does one explain the failure of security agencies to anticipate violent incidents, such as the invasion of an Oyo State office by armed agitators? That clearly reflects a serious lapse in intelligence gathering.

There has been renewed agitation for restructuring. What is your position on it?

Restructuring is not a new conversation. It has been on the front burner for decades. What we are simply asking for is a return to true federalism as negotiated by our founding fathers. The present structure is over-centralised. Too much power is concentrated at the centre, and that is why governance has become inefficient.
When you look at the First Republic, the regions were competitive and productive. Today, states depend almost entirely on allocations from Abuja. That is not federalism; that is a unitary system disguised as federalism. Restructuring is about devolving powers, allowing states to control certain resources, manage their security, and drive their development.

Critics argue that restructuring could weaken national unity. Do you share that concern?
On the contrary, restructuring will strengthen national unity. When every federating unit feels a sense of belonging and fairness, tensions reduce. The agitation you hear across the country stems from people feeling marginalised or short-changed.
True federalism does not divide a nation; it makes it stronger. Look at countries like the United States or Germany. Power is shared.That is what we negotiated before independence. What we are asking for is fairness, equity, and justice.

What specific areas should be restructured?
First, security. State policing is long overdue. The current security architecture is overstretched. Local challenges require local solutions. Second, fiscal federalism. States should have more control over their resources while contributing an agreed percentage to the centre. That will encourage productivity and reduce laziness among political leaders.
Third, constitutional reform. The 1999 Constitution was a military document. It needs a comprehensive review to reflect the will of the people.

Some believe restructuring is being politicised ahead of 2027. Is it a genuine reform agenda or political rhetoric?

Unfortunately, many politicians use restructuring as a campaign slogan. But for some of us, it is a matter of principle. It is about correcting structural imbalances that have persisted since military rule. This conversation is bigger than any election cycle. If we fail to address it honestly, the country will continue to experience avoidable tensions.

Do you think President Tinubu is committed to restructuring or to his re-election?

Commitment is measured by action, not rhetoric. Nigerians want to see concrete constitutional amendments, devolution of powers, and practical steps towards fiscal federalism.
Restructuring demands both courage and sincerity. It cannot be selective or sectional; it must be holistic and national in scope. Currently, there appears to be more energy focused on the 2027 re-election agenda than on a genuine commitment to restructuring.

What would you say to Nigerians who are sceptical about restructuring delivering real change?

Scepticism is understandable, given that we have heard many promises. But restructuring is not magic; it is a framework. It creates an enabling environment for development.
If properly implemented, it will make leaders at the state level more accountable because they can no longer blame Abuja for every failure. It will also encourage healthy competition among states.

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