By Alade Rotimi-John 

The sociological approach to politics in Yorubaland manifests itself in the ethical imperative of a partisan support for the underdog. Social conscience is, for the people, the essence of the art and science of power relations. Their social ideology is reflected in the social content or purpose of what they conceive politics to be. 

Social change and development will appear to be the overriding interest and reason for the people’s active participation in partisan politics, even as voters. The social allegiance, attitude and ideology of the Yoruba political persona tend to align with a candidate or politician who represents the values of social change and development and who predictively is of lower estate. 

The candidate’s profile is further enhanced if he has been subjected to harassment and repeated attacks on account of his reasoned populism by an old order that is historically opposed to social change. 

The just-concluded electioneering campaign which culminated in the 15th August, 2026 governorship election in Osun State bears ample testimony to the professed sympathies of the people with a perceived underdog.The people have understood the instinct and imagination of the old order as being more engaged in the mere possession of power for its own sake with little or no regard for the public good. That political order is feared rather than honoured or respected. It is despised.

The people of Osun shunned the system of ‘aristocratic’ patronage as they fully supported the second term bid of Governor Ademola Adeleke going by their massive turnout on election day and by their symbolic vote of approval of his governance style. 

Great financial and material rewards have been rudely introduced into the Nigerian political system. Slush funds have noticeably crept in since the turn of this Fourth Republic. Money is wielding enormous influence upon taste and public opinion. The sudden financial prestige and independence of the politician have become proverbial. Virtually every person seeking attention and an easy means to wealth has turned a politician, starting from his local community. 

One outstanding characteristic of the politician has however been vulgarity and mediocrity rather than specialisation. The average politician is generally not properly spoken of by the populace. His social status, even though has improved due largely to his proximity to the levers of power and the economic basis of his participation, is held in derision. 

In Yorubaland, there is the sociology of the political environment which questions the social provenance and ideology of the politician who is brandishing a new development agenda. What is the content or flavour of his political philosophy?, the people will demand to know. Nibo l’o ti nja bo? (Where is he coming from or where did he receive his tutelage?). His social ideology is expected to necessarily resonate with the people’s philosophy of “life more abundant for all” or expressed ideologically as social democracy? 

Since the aspirant for public office is a member of society, he can be investigated to learn his biography. Such study may widen to accumulate information about his social or family background and where he is emerging from. Being a member of the community, the aspirant may have pronounced on questions of social and political importance and may have taken part in issues of his time. He will be held accountable for his views.

In spite of the influence of money or cash, the old patterns have not been completely erased by “economic realism”. The people rebuff any manifestation of primitive accumulation or display of wealth positioned to purchase their vote and continue to hold them in bondage. Though much evidence abounds respecting this Yoruba political predilection, new or emerging politicians seem not to have taken heed. 

The latest Osun experience will tend to validate the position that not much has been learnt about the political sociology of the people. Or, may be the people’s political values are still being taken for granted. Politics in Yorubaland occurs in a social context and as an intrinsic part of popular culture.

It is indeed a communal art. Music, dance, theatre, poetry, mirthful panegyrics, taunts, acerbic jokes, folklore, farce, allegory, etc are the resplendent array of activities attending a political outing or campaign. 

All of these were on display as David Adeleke, otherwise known as Davido, joined the affray on behalf of his uncle, Governor Ademola. Davido’s status as an International music icon added much value to the Adeleke campaign train. Hordes of young people who otherwise had been apathetic to the political drama in town, were drawn to the spectacle of live performances by the icon himself. Adeleke’s opponents had no answer to Davido’s blitzkrieg campaign. They simply retreated into their cocoon. 

They had put together a plan involving an unwieldy assemblage of Senators, 16 APC governors, ministers of government in their droves, innumerable number of presidential aides, combat-ready policemen in their thousands, and a fleet of menacingly-looking armoured tanks all besieging Osun State just to demonstrate a fear-inducing “federal might” panoply and in aid of winning the coveted trophy of Governor of Osun State. 

They failed woefully in their quest for no other reason than their horned hubris. They have arrogantly ignored the psychology, sociology, and political philosophy and history of the average voter in Yorubaland. Now, they are sulking to themselves and giving the wrong reasons for their defeat. They are trying to unlearn their playbook which divined Machiavelli as their prophet. 

For as long as Adeleke steers the path of populism or as he imaginatively reflects that his victory is the people’s property, so long will he be in the people’s reckoning. The people voted for him. There are unsettling pieces of information all over the media suggesting that Adeleke is unwittingly denying the locus of his power. Adeleke’s visceral support for Tinubu is baffling. It is grotesque, given the circumstances of his victory. Thankfully, the people of Osun are entitled to express their preference for a presidential candidate of their choice which may be different from Adeleke’s predilection. He has no mandate to railroad the people into Tinubu’s political waggon. 

Adeleke runs the risk of taking the people for granted or of throwing away his hitherto-earned public image on the altar of a dubious ethnic correctness. The general sentiment of the people of Osun today is that they are not ready to forfeit or ascribe their victory to any forlorn potentate. The victory is theirs to savour and keep. It is not to be frittered away on the negotiation table of the Governor’s calculations respecting a collaboration which poses hopeless tasks for the understandably war-weary Osun footsoldiers or the hapless voter concerning the upcoming general elections. Adeleke is advised to avoid being politically careless. He should stay clear of any unnecessary controversies regarding his presumed integrity and decency.

Osogbo, the Osun State capital, has re-enacted for us the historically-significant event of 1830 when she was the locus for repelling and finally defeating the fierce forces of hegemony and gerrymandering unleashed on the people by an invading foreign army. By the momentous events of Saturday, the 15th of August, 2026, Osogbo has confirmed her earned title. She has tightened the deemed loose relation between the voter and the ballot box. She has proved the voter is truly king.

Osun State is the metaphor for the political sovereignty of the people. 

• Rotimi-John, a lawyer and commentator on public affairs, is the Deputy Secretary-General of Afenifere
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