Agege LGA: Party politics or family affair?

Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu is set to swear in Abdul-Ganiyu Obasa, son of the Speaker of the Lagos State House of Assembly, as the substantive chairman of Agege Local Government following the resignation of former chairman, Tunde Azeez. The development has again exposed the controversies and manoeuvring that have long defined All Progressives Congress (APC) primaries in Lagos, KEHINDE OLATUNJI reports.

While Nigerians, especially Lagos voters, have consistently lamented electoral malpractice and the failures of both the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and state electoral bodies to deliver free and credible polls, a deeper problem persists within the political parties themselves. Internal primaries across the country, particularly within the Lagos APC, remain riddled with structural weaknesses that undermine internal democracy.

Among the most contentious contests are primaries for ward councillorships, local government chairmanship positions, National Assembly seats and governorship tickets. These selection processes have repeatedly been marred by allegations of manipulation, imposition and lack of transparency, even though Section 84(1) of the Electoral Act 2022 empowers INEC to monitor primaries and Section 82(1) requires parties to notify INEC at least 21 days before their congresses or conventions.

But experience shows that party primaries are often less free, less credible and more chaotic than the general elections they precede. These irregularities have become major drivers of voter apathy, political violence and widespread defections by aggrieved aspirants who feel cheated. The result is a growing number of lawsuits challenging the legitimacy of party candidates.

For almost a decade, the Lagos APC has faced recurring disputes over its primary elections. From the turbulent 2017 local council primaries to the polarising 2018 governorship contest and the more recent 2025 local government primaries that triggered statewide protests, the same pattern has endured: allegations of imposition, vote inflation, parallel primaries and the systematic sidelining of aspirants outside the preferred power structure.

These controversies have weakened internal cohesion and raised pressing questions about how Lagos’s ruling party selects its candidates and exercises democratic accountability.

The first major cracks appeared in 2017 when the APC’s local council primaries were widely criticised for manipulation and disorganisation. Grassroots aspirants accused party officials of altering delegate lists, conducting sham voting in some wards, and imposing candidates in others. That episode offered an early glimpse into the deeper institutional problems now associated with Lagos APC politics: a centralised, top-down selection culture, reduced space for internal contestation and a steady erosion of trust among party members.

The 2018 governorship primary, which produced Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu, deepened these concerns. Though the party announced him as the winner, the process was riddled with irregularities, from disputed voter registers to contradictory statements from state and national party organs.

Many members argued that the outcome reflected political endorsement rather than a transparent democratic contest. The message was unmistakable: aspirants outside certain political circles had little chance of success, regardless of their merit or popularity.

By the 2022–2023 cycle, the situation had deteriorated further. In several cases, challengers to incumbents were abruptly disqualified, effectively leaving the governor unopposed. Then came the 2025 local government and Local Council Development Areas (LCDA) primaries, which became another major flashpoint. The process generated more than a hundred petitions, numerous street protests, and complaints of vote inflation and imposition.

In many councils, aspirants insisted that the announced results bore no resemblance to what happened at polling centres. The protests, involving party youths, women’s groups and ward leaders, reflected a broader sentiment: members felt alienated and powerless within a party in which they had invested years of loyalty.

These recurring controversies have had significant implications for internal democracy in Lagos APC. The repeated imposition of candidates erodes merit and discourages competent aspirants, many of whom eventually defect. Manipulated delegate lists and last-minute disqualifications undermine the legitimacy of party structures. The shrinking openness of the primaries narrows democratic choice and reinforces a long-standing pattern: party leaders imposing their children, spouses or relatives as candidates against the popular will.

One of the most recent and widely criticised examples is that of Speaker Mudashiru Obasa, whose son, Abdul-Ganiyu, emerged as chairmanship candidate of Agege Local Government amid allegations of imposition, parallel primaries and intimidation of rivals. Despite sustained protests, the younger Obasa is set to be sworn in—reinforcing claims that Agege politics has been firmly captured by the Speaker’s structure.

In Oshodi-Isolo II, influential APC mobiliser Cardinal James Odunmbaku (Baba Eto) faced strong internal resistance in 2023 when he promoted his son, Oreoluwa, for the Lagos Assembly ticket.

Similarly, APC state chairman Cornelius Ojelabi faced accusations of advancing candidates connected to him in Ojo during council and Assembly primaries. Senator Musiliu Obanikoro’s strong support for his son, Babajide, whose rise from a failed LCDA chairmanship bid to Eti-Osa House of Representatives member, further fuelled perceptions of dynasty politics.

Collectively, these cases highlight how entrenched godfatherism and family patronage continue to shape candidate selection in the Lagos APC, which is led more by personal power networks than transparent primaries.

The latest controversy surrounds the rise of Abdul-Ganiyu Obasa, who is set to become the substantive chairman of Agege Local Government. His father, Speaker Obasa, previously served as chairman of the council before joining the Lagos Assembly in 2007 and has been Speaker since 2015.

Abdul-Ganiyu had been acting as chairman since former chairman, Tunde Azeez, went on medical leave shortly after taking office on July 26, 2025, and eventually resigned on November 5. Before the elections, a political group, Agege Youth Vanguard, “purchased” the N5 million chairmanship nomination form for him. Following a backlash, his name was eventually dropped, allegedly on the instruction of the Presidency—and he was nominated instead as vice chairman.

When Azeez became the party’s candidate in May, the Presidential Campaign Council (PCC) of Agege and Orile-Agege clashed with Speaker Obasa’s group over the outcome of the primaries. During protests, members displayed placards reading “Obasa o to ge (Obasa, it’s enough),” “Agege says no to Obasa oppression,” “Obasa owns the structure and the delegates,” and “Another eight years of imposition.”

The PCC’s spokesperson, Adetunji Akinyemi, flanked by the group’s chairman, Sabitu Kamorudeen, accused the Speaker’s camp of manipulating the process.

“The outcome was not a reflection of due process but a culmination of manipulation, exclusion and abuse of party machinery by entrenched interests,” he said. “Respecting party structures does not mean endorsing authoritarianism disguised as leadership.”

Defending himself, Abdul-Ganiyu told The Guardian that Azeez’s medical challenges were the only reason for the transition. “Anyone can fall ill at any point,” he said. “He was ill during the primaries, but we thought it was manageable. He later travelled to the UK for treatment, and I acted in his absence.”

Some APC members in Lagos, who requested anonymity, described the development as a carefully orchestrated strategy to ensure the Speaker’s son quietly assumed the top seat in Agege. According to them, the sequence of events, from the primary protests to Azeez’s withdrawal, suggested a predetermined plan to entrench the Obasa family’s political dominance.

The immediate past Lagos chairman of the African Action Congress (AAC), Ayo Oni, echoed the same sentiment. “Everyone in Agege knew the Speaker wanted his son as chairman,” he said. “When there was pushback, they made him vice chairman. Now, the chairman is conveniently ill, and the Speaker’s son has taken over.” Oni criticised LASIEC for failing to properly vet candidates, saying the situation made the local council system “a mockery of democracy.”

Founder and CEO of an African leading technology media platform Techpoint.ng, Adewale Yusuf, described the development as “a textbook case of nepotism.” According to him, the Speaker’s influence overshadowed due process and weakened democratic institutions. “The Obasa family is building a dynasty, not serving the people,” he said, adding that Abdul-Ganiyu’s limited experience made the development “regressive and a recipe for stagnation.”

But another analyst and Senior business leader recognised for expert analysis, development and implementation of innovative strategies, Remi Bello, offered a different view, arguing that Abdul-Ganiyu’s youth and exposure could benefit Agege. “His father’s experience will guide him. It’s a calculated move that may pay off,” he said.

Human Rights Activist, Chidi Nwosu, however, insisted the entire process was a clear example of entrenched nepotism. “Azeez was a placeholder,” he said. “Now that he has resigned, the coast is clear. Lagos deserves leaders chosen through credible processes, not predetermined arrangements rubber-stamped by the powerful.”

Meanwhile, a member of the Governor’s Advisory Council (GAC), the apex body of the Lagos APC, Bashorun Olorunfunmi, said party discipline would not allow him to comment publicly on Abdul-Ganiyu’s case, noting that “such matters are handled internally.”

The Lagos APC Publicity Secretary, Seye Oladejo, stated that there is nothing wrong with children of party leaders aspiring for elective positions, provided they are qualified.

Regarding Obasa’s son, Oladejo noted that since he ran on a joint ticket with his former superior, he is qualified to assume the position following his boss’s resignation. He added that critics should provide concrete examples where unqualified children of APC leaders were imposed as candidates.

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