Political writings of Olawale Oshun

Olawale Oshun was born on March 26, 1950 at Ijebu-Mushin to the family of Alhaji Teslim Olayide Oshun and his wife, both of blessed memories. He was an alumnus of the Ibadan Boys High School. He obtained his first degree from the University of Ibadan. He graduated in the second class. He was also at the University of Lagos for his Masters programme and other universities in Britain for his post graduate studies.

Oshun was once the chief whip in the House of Representatives. He had occupied a number of political positions in life. He was a highranking member of the Progressive Camp in Nigeria. Now that Wale Oshun is 75, it will be good to have some glimpses into his political writings.

Oshun was one of the few politicians who had shown a flair for serious political writings. Let me take readers through some of his publications. A brief review of Wale Oshun’s publications is necessary at this point.

‘Clapping With One Hand’, was an insider’s narrative of Nigeria’s 1993 presidential elections, the annulment and the leading characters in the struggle for its validation and subsequent events. His conclusion was that if other sections of the country had risen to challenge the ignominy, probably Nigeria would not have been held by the jugular for too long since then.

Probably, the discussions about restructuring or regional autonomy would have been frozen. There probably would have been better feelings of nationalism and better perceptions about social inclusion.

As Alani Akinrinade hinted in his foreword to ‘Clapping With One Hand’, if June 12 was not annulled, the call for a sovereign national conference as a way of resolving the crisis of nation-building would not have been necessary.

In ‘The Open Grave (2002),’Wale Oshun detailed events in the period of 1994-1998, the era immediately following the annulment of June 12 1993. The publication was a continuation of Nigeria’s encounters with democratisation processes. It was published at the zenith of PDP profligacy. It chronicles the formation of NADECO and the role of its star members, the deprivations that they went through while at home and in exile. It bemoaned the experience of many activists as cannon foder in the fight for democratisation.

Some prominent members included, Abraham Adesanya, Anthony Enahoro, Bola Ige, Bola Tinubu, Ayo Adebanjo, Wale Oshun, Ayo Opadokun, Kayode Fayemi.

‘The Kiss of Death’ was focused on the struggle for supremacy and political succession among the Yoruba, particularly within the fold of Afenifere, a former platform for recruiting Yoruba leaders and a fountain of engagement by the Southwest with regional power blocks.

The struggle for political supremacy among the Yoruba started and commend some 38 years, soon after the 1987 death of Obafemi Awolowo, an undisputed leader of the Yoruba and whose leadership was responsible for the modernisation of South-west. Initially, the succession battle appeared smooth with Adekunle Ajasin’s emergence after Awo and followed by Abraham Adesanya.

The D’Rovans event centre in Ibadan finally sealed the possibility of reconciliation. It was a case of leadership in disarray. The choice of the presidential candidate for the Alliance for Democracy was an albatross. Wale Oshun provided sufficient details of the personalities in the crisis.

‘Unlike the Tiger, Yoruba have their energy not directed at the prey but at themselves’ (2005:47). Wale Oshun objected to the ‘bastardisation which monetisation has brought into it (lobbying) in Nigeria …’ P.49.

In a lecture given by Oshun in 2017 under the auspices of the Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Lagos, he provided a brilliant academic submission and prototype of his commitment to restructuring and the endless search for true federalism. Let us listen to vintage Wale Oshun:

“The Nigerian Constitution 1999, in reality, practically confers unlimited power on the elected officials, spanning all the levels of government. Particularly at the national level, the sum total of power conferred on the Federal government either under the Exclusive list and or the Concurrent list, (as the Federal Law is supreme where ever it conflicts with state Law) put power in its totality in the hands of the Federal Government…

It is no surprise therefore that the Federal Government of Nigeria, at all times since July 29, 1975 had behaved like a drunken sailor. The quest for a restructuring of the country and for devolution of power from the central government to the federating components…continue today, and more than ever before more strident. Those who had held on to the federal power as guaranteed by the Constitution had at various times shown their disinclination to devolve such powers, particularly those essential for the emergence of true federal state and essential for nurturing genuine federal democratic institutions. They glibly say to all our chagrin, ‘the unity of Nigeria is not negotiable’’ (Oshun, 2017: 9).

Oshun was of the view that ‘In Nigeria, we often sacrificed governance at the altar of politics and consistently show little regard for international good governance architecture.’ It has become a common practice in Nigeria for power to be used to fight perceived enemies, liquidate their businesses, seize their licenses, annihilate them and possibly imprison them.

In terms of inter-government relationships, I will even concede generous marks to the federal government in its relationship with the state. Obviously, the same cannot be said of the ways in which state governments generally relate to local governments. The relationships are that of a master-slave orientation or those of a patron to client. It is yet unclear, what the dominant perceptions of state-local are now but, state governors in our had consistently demonstrated the federal government has no business in the running of local governments.

The current lull in agitations for true federalism, regional autonomy or even for confederation may be indicative of deliberate policies of de-ethnisation being pursued by the Tinubu administration. The next couple of years will proof whether Nigerians feel better included today than in the past.

A survey in the social science tradition will be helpful with time. It could also be that those who are in the forefront of exclusionary politics are now in.

Certainly, with his previous background as a pro-democracy activist and one who shown evident preference for the rule of law, the coming into power of President Bola Tinubu had ignited expectations that Nigeria may begin to witness a radical departure from the boring experiences and laickadaisical orientation to governance.

Given the low abyss into which Nigeria had sunk, it may be premature to access the Tinubu’s administration. The challenge, however, is that Nigerians have become impatient as they want a quick fix. In the interim, it can be summarised that there has emerged a greater commitment to neo- liberalism and cost recovery measures at the macro levels by the current administration.

The impact on living conditions in the short has been devastating for the majority. But we must remain hopeful and be trusting of government that in the long, our general welfare will surface and the current development conundrums will disappear. For the core poor, the poorest of the poor, the short run life challenges are better urgently addressed regardless of sophisticated economic jargons.

As he savours his 75 years on earth, Olawale Oshun must heave a sigh of relief that one of his close had ascended power in a most competitive election where Tinubu was his own godfather. Congratulations to a democrat, pro-democracy activist, an entrepreneur, a politician, an avowed community leader, a statesman and a fine gentleman at 75.

Olurode is a Professor of Sociology.