The untreated relics of #EndSARS protest, three years after

Failure of government at both states and the federal levels to address, in part or fully, the issues of police reform associated with the EndSARS protests across the country three years ago will continue to haunt the nation and present mutual distrust between citizens and government in Nigeria. The EndSARS protests clearly marked a watershed in Nigeria’s recent history, and will not be wished away without fundamental response to its causes and ramifications. President Bola Tinubu should act now to restore policing to an efficient, professional and internationally acceptable standard.

Human rights lawyer, Mr. Femi Falana (SAN) captured the government’s failure on the issue, lamenting the situation thus: “The undertaking [to reform the Police] was made at the spur of the moment. Hence, no state government has set up a human rights agency. But state governments decided to white-wash the torture and other egregious infringements of the human rights of the Nigerian people exposed in the reports. Some token reparations were paid but the security personnel, who were indicted by the judicial panels, were not brought to book.”

Sometime in October 2020, an innocuous online campaign trailing a viral video of a man allegedly killed by operatives of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) rapidly snowballed into vociferous street demonstrations nationwide in a matter of days. The incident in the video was only one of numerous other documented incidents depicting police brutality on hapless Nigerians especially the youth. The campaigners, mainly young Nigerians, united around a common goal to peacefully protest police intimidation, oppression, brutality, and extra-judicial killing with the hash tag #EndSARS. They demanded the immediate disbandment of SARS (a rogue unit of the Nigeria Police Force renowned for its rascality and lawlessness) and a reform of the entire Force.

The protest had progressed peacefully; however, it was hijacked by criminal elements thereby leading to loss of lives and property, burning down of public facilities, forcible release of prison inmates, and other violent consequences. On October 20, 2020, the Nigerian Army intervened and confronted demonstrators who had gathered at the Lekki Toll Gate in Lagos State. The government later confirmed that contrary to reports of ‘massacre’ of the protesters, only two people died in Lekki while about 25 were injured, treated and discharged in various hospitals.

Acknowledging the legitimacy of the protest, the Federal Government disbanded SARS and replaced it with the Special Weapons and Tactics (SWAT) unit. It further promised to effect necessary reforms in the police force. Similarly, 28 out of the 36 state governments set up judicial panels of inquiry headed by credible retired judges to investigate allegations of police brutality and make necessary recommendations. The panels had since submitted their reports to the concerned state governments, some of which had partly implemented the reports.

However, three years after the EndSARS protests, the modus operandi of police operatives materially remains the same, despite the physical dismantling of SARS. Stakeholders have expressed disappointment over the government’s failure to reinvent the police force as promised. They also find the non-implementation of the recommendations of the various probe panels worrisome. The reforms that people crave for remain a mirage as the government has not demonstrated the political will to do the needful. Also, police officers indicted by the panels have not been sanctioned.

Financially compensating some victims without prosecuting the police officers who wronged them is no justice! Punishment is one of the fundamental pillars upon which criminal justice administration is founded. It is arguably the most effective deterrent element in crime prevention. Undoubtedly, the crime rate will skyrocket when there is no punishment for wrongdoing. Both the central and state governments are largely carrying on with business as usual despite the colossal and irreparable loss the nation and its citizens suffered from the EndSARS protests.

The nonchalance of the government on the instant issue undermines any sense of fairness, justice, and the rule of law in our country. It has further entrenched the culture of impunity and emboldened law enforcement agents to take laws into their hands. The case of Bolanle Raheem, a Lagos-based lawyer, who was fatally shot by a police officer last Christmas, reinforces this notion.

Over the years, successive governments have proven to be averse to inquiry reports that do not align with their preconceived stance. Logical recommendations that sufficiently proffer solutions to critical issues of national interest are discountenanced for not falling within the parameters of the political interests of the powers that be. The Udoji Public Service Review Commission Report of 1979, Oronsaye Report on Restructuring and Rationalisation of the Federal Government Parastatals, Commissions and Agencies of 2011, Justice Uwais Electoral Reform Report of 2007, National Conference Report of 2014, Justice Ayo Salami Presidential Investigation Panel Report and tons of other reports are lying waste in government archives with zero or minimal implementation. For Nigeria to live up to her great destiny, the old order must be disrupted!

Evidently, the Nigeria Police Force is heavily challenged by multifaceted problems ranging from poorly trained officers, ill-equipped facilities, antiquated weaponry, and poor social security benefits, to the unprofessional and sometimes corrupt conduct of its personnel.  In 2017, the International Police Science Association, World Internal Security and Police Index, WISPI, ranked the Nigeria Police Force 127th out of 127 countries in the world! The WISPI ranking examined the four domains of internal security, capacity, process, legitimacy and found Nigeria wanting. The police force, as a matter of urgency, needs to undergo deep-seated intrinsic reinvention and re-organisation to meet global policing standards.

The EndSARS protests exposed the vulnerability and weakness of the subsisting structures of civil authorities. A number of police stations were sacked, scores of officers were killed, and some correctional facilities were attacked by hoodlums disguised as protesters. In fact, it was a state of anarchy in some parts of the country and the police are yet to regain their confidence as many stations now shut their doors at odd hours for security purposes. There is an urgent need to reverse this ugly trend.

The lessons of the EndSARS protests are legion and ought not to be allowed to fizzle out.  The protest awoke the political consciousness of Nigerian youths and subsequently reflected in their impressive turnout in the recent general elections. Similarly, since the protests occurred, complaints of police brutality are promptly attended to by police authorities as depicted in the Mrs. Raheem killing for instance. Nonetheless, the government has to strengthen internal security institutions to inspire public trust and to avert a recurrence of such protests.

It is the fundamental responsibility of the government to protect the lives and property of its citizens. Realising the enormity of this task, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, had pledged to “mobilise the totality of our national security, military and law enforcement assets to protect all Nigerians from danger and from the fear of danger.” He added that: “We will expand and improve upon the use of technology, enhance recruitment of personnel, and bolster existing agencies and systems to achieve this fundamental national security goal.” — He further undertook to reform security agencies by upgrading their tactical communications and weapons systems; exploiting aerial and technological superiority, and improving their salaries and welfare. The President is legally and morally bound to walk this talk.