The struggles of women in Nigeria’s legislature are well-documented. Today, in the Senate, only four voices out of 109 are female. Across the 469-member National Assembly, they occupy fewer than 5 percent of seats.

The recent example of Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, one of those four, laid bare how precarious women’s foothold in the legislature remains. She was suspended from the Senate for six months – roughly 180 sitting days – over alleged misconduct and violation of Senate Standing Rules.
That move sparked mixed reactions. But beyond her individual case, it reflects a broader concern: the barriers women face in even getting into Nigeria’s legislature, let alone holding their ground once inside. This imbalance is not just a statistic; it is stark underrepresentation. And it raises a critical question: how can legislation truly reflect the population when women are barely represented at the decision-making table?
Despite their small numbers, women legislators are far from passive. As of May, Senator Ipalibo Banigo had sponsored 13 bills, Senator Idiat Oluranti Adebule 7 bills, Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan 4 bills, and Senator Ireti Kingibe 1 bill – and that’s only counting the bills where they were the lead sponsors.

In the House of Representatives, 17 of the 360-members (4.7 percent) are women. Still, they are making their mark. Chair of the House Committee on Women Affairs and Social Development, Hon. Kafilat Ogbara, has warned that Nigeria’s democratic project is incomplete without women’s meaningful participation.

At the state level, the gaps are even wider. 15 Houses of Assembly have no female representatives. For those who made it in, they are proving their mettle. Ekiti State stands out with six of the 26 seats held by women. Three of them occupy top positions: Deputy Speaker Hon. Bolaji Olagbaju, Chief Whip Hon. Olowookere Bosede Yinka, and the Deputy Chief Whip Hon. Ogunlade Maryam Bimbola.

Hon.Olagbaju has been outspoken the stakes: “How can a committee meant to discuss women’s issues be headed by a man? It is that bad,” she said at a recent dialogue in Abuja, highlighting why representation matters.

Kwara State tells a similar story: five women were elected to the 24-member Assembly. Among them, Hon. Medinat AbdulRaheem Motunrayo is Deputy House Leader, and Hon. Yusuf Maryam is the Deputy Chief Whip.

There have been glimmers of progress. In 2007, 35 women were elected to the 6th National Assembly, with 8 Senators and 27 Members. That Assembly produced Nigeria’s first female Speaker of the House, Hon. Patricia Etteh.

The 7th National Assembly made progess with the appointment of Hon. Mulikat Akande as the first female Majority Leader. While in the 8th, beginning in August 2018, Senator Biodun Olujimi took over as Deputy Minority Whip, and later rose to Senate Minority Leader, demonstrating both competence and influence.

In the 9th Assembly Hon Nkeiruka Onyejeocha, as Deputy Chief Whip, took a bold step by sponsoring the original version of the Special Seats Bill. Despite its contentious nature, she successfully mobilised 85 co-sponsors, including the then Speaker, demonstrating early leadership on the issue.

But each gain proved fragile. Breakthroughs were followed by setbacks, exposing structural barriers, from cultural bias to weak party support, that still hold women back.

Lawmakers are now reviewing the reintroduced Special Seats Bill – a constitutional amendment proposal currently before the National Assembly, also known as the Seat Reservation for Women Bill (HB1349). This proposed constitutional amendment would introduce additional seats to be contested exclusively by women: 74 in the National Assembly and 108 across state assemblies.

These additonal seats would not replace existing seats, but complement them, an affirmative action creating a temporary but necessary boost to representation.

Deputy Speaker of the House of Representative, Hon. Benjamin Kalu, has consistently described it as temporary special measure, modeled on successful initiatives in countries like Rwanda and Senegal. As he put it: “Democracy thrives not just on elections, but inclusion.”
Several African countries have adopted measures to address similar gaps. Rwanda’s constitution mandates at least 30 per cent female representation in all decision-making bodies, and women now hold more than 60 per cent of parliamentary seats.

Kenya’s 2010 constitution introduced a “two-thirds gender principle” and created new Woman Representative positions. While Uganda reserves one parliamentary seat per district for a “District Woman Representative,” a pathway that helped Rebecca Kadaga rise to become Speaker of Parliament.
These measures show intentional design and strucutal fixes can be work, especially in political cultures where women have been excluded. While gender bills have stumbled before, supporters argue that the Special Seats Bill offers a pragmatic path forward. Advocates also stress that representation must be intersectional. Lois Auta, Global President of the Network of Women with Disabilities, has called for the special seats to recognise women with disabilities to reflect full diversity.

As Minister of Women Affairs, Hajiya Imaan Sulaiman-Ibrahim, described it, the proposal is “a constitutional corrective, long overdue, to ensure democracy works for all citizens.”

As public awareness grows, so too does a note of caution. At a recent webinar organised by the Policy and Legal Advocacy Centre (PLAC), Omolara Akinyeye, Deputy Executive Director, observed that while “awareness is growing and support for women in politics is strong, the real test lies in transforming that energy into citizens’ demands on their representatives.” She added that these demands would ultimately translate into actual votes on the floor of the National Assembly. PLAC research estimates that implementing the Bill would cost less than one percent of the national budget.

As the constitutional review process moves forward, that link between awareness and action has already been tested during the zonal hearings. The next step is the National Assembly’s public hearing on September 22, another chance for citizens to engage, advocate, and influence the debate on the Bill.

Suzan Ironsi, is a media and communications professional.